The Brooklyn Daily Eagle from Brooklyn, New York • Page 6

KRQOK'' 6 EAGLE MONDAY, MARCH 15, 1897. BUSINESS NOTICES. against whom he did it furnished him with a very nearly complete pushed to the front. Mr. McMlllin of Tennessee who has had long experience In the house and who aspired to leadership, went the whole length of the platform.

And the fact that he has been set aside cannot be regarded in any other light than as a repudiation of Brydnisin. MONDAY EVENING. MARCH 13. 1897. (Copyrighted.) over Porter In.

this city. Outside of Brooklyn Mr. Black fell short of a majority. It is assumed that the total vote to be cast in Greater New York next November will be less than that of last November, when a President was to he electod. No state officers of importance and no congressmen are to be chosen, and therefore the contest may be said to turn exclusively on local issues.

No independent party can win In the Greater New York. But there are enough independents to award the result as between the parties. This is the most gratifying and hopefuf feature of political situation as it will exist. It is the best guarantee we could have of honest and efficient government property and relatives of have been confiscated, ftttriy of See Yups, clad in silks and traveitlag in a parlor, car, is on the way to see Mr. McKinley, to have the Chinese minister declared a liar and the rights of their clan restored: Yet.

it does not occur to these people that a civilized government and condition are better than their own. Well, they like their own. Let them keep it. About Liquor Tax Law Amendments. It is annouced that it is the intention of the Republican machine to secure the passage of the amendments to the liquor tax law that have been proposed by Senator Raines.

It is not material to the purposes of this article whether the machine is carrying out an agreement made with the brewers last summer or not, although this has been charged. If there was such ah agreement then Mr. Lauterbach and Mr. Worth are guilty of advocating a policy Classifying Convicts. Sf there is no science of penology, so much has been done within a few7 years to create one that we may feel sure the word will have a well earned place in our vocabulary ere long.

The study of criminals as a class is a thing of recent undertaking. With increasing knowledge of their traits we shall be better able than now to formulate a scheme of remedies and preventives. The system of measurements devised by Bertillon, the recording in photographs and statistics of improvement under moral, mental and physical training, the examination of de I torrent effects of various punishments in large communities, the testing of certain employments on the inmates of prisons and reformatories, the pursuit of the discharged convict by charitable societies, to see what manner of man he makes of himself, the offering of rewards and Imposition of restraints, the provision of exercises and amusements, the use or abolition of the whip and the dark cell, these matters are now occupying much attention of students of crime, and In some institutions, as in the model reformatory in Elmira, it is safe to say that better results are now secured than In the days when punishments were devoid of system, and prisons were devised In part for political place holders, who often deserved to be behind the bars themselves. In one institution, the reform school in Whlttier, restraints are almost entirely removed, and the Inmates are made to see that it is for their own good, no less than for that of society, that they should learn a trade, receive an education and cultivate sensibility of conscience. Among the recent reforms in prison matters is Superintendent Lathrop's separation of the convicts in this state into four classes: Class A consisting of men who have never before been convicted and for whose reform there is reason to hope; class men who have served one previous term; class men who have served two or more terms, and class men of confirmed vicious or criminal tendencies, who may in the penology of the future be grouped as irreclaimable enemies of society, perhaps be sent into perpetual exile or confined for life to a prison, workhouse or reservation.

Members of one class may be advanced or degraded to another according to their behavior, and especial care will be used with class in the belief that, as the criminals are young and unconfirmed In their offenses, they may be reclaimed. In class the discipline will be more strict, hut reformatory efforts will be continued. In class there will be a deprivation of certain privileges given to the younger classes, and a stricter discipline will be enforced, while class will be housed aloof from the other convicts and will be kept under the most severe restraints of all. It is intended eventually to provide separate prisons for these classes, Sing Sing for the beginners in crime, Auburn for the second class and Clinton for the more dangerous convicts. This is but an adaptation of the plan already In vogue in someof the reformatories, where the inmates are grouped according to.

their behavior and acquirements and where admission to a higher grade often becomes an incentive to those in a lower to work, study and comport themselves" in a way to win commendation. It has been proposed to grant certain liberties, better food and so on, to the higher classes in the hope of still further stimulating this ambition to achieve honors. Mr. Lathrop's plan is commendable because it insures a separation of young and unconfirmed criminals boys who have been led astray by trashy novels and sensational newspapers with their glorifying and celebration of crime from hardened offenders. Contact with these latter, even for a few days can but be degrading In its influence, and the sentence that condemns a lad to association with such men is unjust in so far as it darkens the future of a culprit who might, but for that association, emerge from prison purified.

It also does a service in assigning to separate quarters a class of men, fortunately small, who may be regarded as moral lunatics, men incapable of good conduct if bad conduct offers to them the smallest temporary advantage, dangerous men, men who are likely in our prisons as at present conducted to enlist their mates in schemes for escape, mutiny and murder, men ou whom reformatory efforts are thrown away, men who, if we would face the truth, ought not to live, and ought never to have families. The ability to transfer from one class to another, for cause, precludes any excuse for doing a wrong, and as crime is Increasing we require the most complete organization possible for its prevention and cure. Vote of the Greater New York. A correspondent of the New York Sun, who signs himself has written a letter in which he analyses the vote that is to foe cast in tihe Greater New York, basing his calculations on past elections. The vote for the Republican, Democratic and socialist electoral tickets in November was as follows: Counties.

McKinley. Bryan. Ma.tchett. New Tork 1S6.3.W 135,624 10.023 Klnsa 109,13. 75.8S2 3,481 Richmond 0,170 4,432 135 Towns.

Long Island City 3.537 3,600 304 Newtown 2.303 2,0 20 FlusOltns 2,481 1,710 95 Jamaica 3,004 1,303 123 Hempstead (part) 1,449 724 1 284.3SS 22G.257 14.189 This shows a plurality for the McKinley electoral ticket in the future New York, of within the McKinley column being included the votes of many Democrats who, w5i.il adhering to the support of the Democratic state candidates, did not vote for Bryan electors. This was the vote for governor: Counties. Black. Porter. Balkam.

erence, and' among them: are the Eaglo. library charter number and the Eagle Almanac. Amos Perry, secretary and librarian R. I. Historical society It is in some respects the most complete work of its kind of which I have any knowledge.

FOR A SINGLE FARE. Mr. Kiely Would Go From Uptown, Brooklyn to New York. Ex City Treasurer John D. Kiely has been reading the Eagle's criticisms of the propo'si tiou 'to confer upon the elevated and surface railroad companies the privilege of crossing the bridge.

In conversation on the subject today Mr. Kiely. said: "If I understand the Eagle's contention correctly, I do not think that there Is any material difference between it3 conclusions and my. own. "There can be no justification for the surrendering of public property for private gain' to an individual or corporation without adequate compensation.

Whether this compensation involves a money consideration or some other consideration of an equal or oven greater advantage to the municipality, should be the governing motive in the authority granting the concession. No one will question the wisdota of the trustees in throwing open the foot way free to pedestrians or the reduction of the fare on the bridge railway to less than half a cent above the cost of transporting the passengers. While it is true that by these concessions the trustees reduced the Income of the bridge by perhaps more than $100,000 annually this was many times compensated by the Increased assessment rolls of the municipality. The feasibility of the scheme for both elevated and surface roads to cross the structure having been satisfactorily demonstrated, it seems to me that the chief point for the trustees to determine Is, not only how the comfort of the 6. per cent, of the population now dally using the bridge cars may be improved without loss of revenue, but how the other 95 per cent, ol the population may also receive the greatest benefit.

"It will not be denied that the plan which will at the same time add to the comfort of the present patrons of the bridge cars, will at the same time tend to the more rapid increase of the population, which means the filling of thousands of tenantless houses, and the mqro speedy development of the vast amount of unimproved lands within our present boundaries, soon to be still further enlarged by the adjacent territory to be brought in under the Greater New York charter. "That it is the interest of the city for its future development to secure such facilities, is amply demonstrated by the universal demand, which her citizens made, requiring ample surface and elevated railroad facilities for the new East river bridge, now in process of erection, unhappily retarded by our financial condition, which seems to emphasize the necessity for speedily equipping the present structure to its fullest capabilities. Otherwise, we may lose large accretions to our population and when the new bridge is completed, 'with its superior accommodations, may divert the tide of travel and It is not improbable that serious if not vast changes in the valuations of what is now deemed property of well settled value may result and the of development, artificially forced it; other directions. It. is generally conceded that with the splendid engineering facilities, aided by the latest mechanical equipment, the great bridge, so far as its own railroad is concerned, has the limit of its capacity for the safe transportation of passengers, nor can it be Increased by substituting for itt own cars those of the elevated systems, but the carrying capacity of the bridge can be doubled by admitting the surface cars to the use of the roadways nearly equivalent to the City of Brooklyn acquiring a new bridge without a dollar's expense.

The Trustees have intelligently and faithfully labored for years at tremendous expense ungrudgingly accorded by the taxpayers to double the previous carrying capacity of the bridge railroad, does it not seem amazing that any citizen and taxpayer of Brooklyn who Is painfully aware of the thousands of tenantless houses and acres upon acres of houseless grounds within our borders should hesitate a moment at a proposition that provided a means lor not only doubling the transportation facilities of the great bridge, but to' do it within six months, and without a dollar's expense to the taxpayers, and with such increased comfort to every passenger using cars on the bridge? It seems to me that there can be no two sides to the proposition so far, but then we must be careful to prevent these terrible corporations which have done so much to build up our beautiful city, from the straggling hamlet it was before their advent, from getting some unfair advantage of the owners of the bridge. Well, as a taxpayer and one who believes in promoting in every reasonable manner those enterprises which give assurance of the most certain Increase of population and prosperous development of our city, I will not begrudge those inerests which most contribute to such ends their reasonable share is the attendant results. "An analysis of the bridge trustees' report for its last fiscal year shows that there were carried on the cars of the bridge during the year 43,996,459 passengers, being Just 567,870 less than the year previous, and the amount received from each passenger was 2 53 100 of a cent. The estimated cost for carrying each passenger was 2 8 100 of a cent, leaving the net profit per passenger 45 100 of a cent, amounting for the total number of passengers carried to $197,984.06, of which Brooklyn's share would have been $131,989.37. Now the record shows that Brooklyn received from the bridge trustees during the last 'fiscal year only $140,000, while she paid over to the trustees $60,000 from the proceeds of bonds; therefore, her net receipts were only $80,000.

At the same time the annual interest on the present outstanding bonds issued by the City of Brooklyn is $688,930 on $13,100,000 bonds. From these figures it is plainly evident that the net receipts from the transpottation of passengers will never cut much of a figure in meeting the interest on the bonds. Under these circumstances as a taxpayer and one who has given some thought as to Brooklyn's financial and other problems, I am of the opinion that the best arrangement for promoting both the comfort of the travelers and the development of Brooklyn would be to open the bridge free to both elevated and surface cars, provided such cars would transport passengers for a single 5 cent fare from their homes in Brooklyn to the New York terminal of the bridge, and likewise for one fare from the New York terminal to any point which they reach now with a single fare. The surface cars to construct their own tracks and terminals, suitably equip and operate them at their own expense, thus relieving the city from every expense for construction, equipment, operation and exemption from all liability for accidents. The surface cars would find their compensation for the great original outlay and the increased distance they would have to carry each passenger in the assured rapid growth of our population.

"The elevated roads would be furnished by the bridge the splendidly equipped road, with all the necessary facilities for operation; would have to pay a suitable compensation for its use and the operation of their cars, and the elevated, like the surface roads, would look for their compensation for the first expense to the continuing growth of our population. The advantages to Brooklyn would be incalculable. The population which now seeks homes beyond the Harlem, to reach which now has to pay two fares, or those seeking homes in Staten Island or out of the state entirely, beyond the North river, who have to pay ferriages as well as two fares, would be attracted to the cheaper and lovelier homes on this side of the East river, to reach which would cost them but a single fare from the New York terminus of the Brooklyn bridge. "If, on the contrary, the trustees deemed it hteir duty to seek to continue to collect a revenue from the passengers carried, I do not see how they could expect to have the surface cars go to half a million dallars' expense to carry the same or very slightly increased number of passengers, who would have to pay the same bridge fare they now pay, and expect to collect from the surface cars more than the half cent per capita they admit is their present profit. It is idle to say that the surface lines would readily build a mile or more of to any of their lines without thinking of enraging any additional fare, as an argument for their building to carry their passengers a mile further on their way to New York.

In the one case they would expect, that the building up along their line would yield them a compensating increased revenue, whereas they could never take up a single new passenger on any portion of the bridge structure outside of the and with such a narrow policy the increased growth of business would be slow indeed. Therefore I believe the interests of Brooklyn will be best subserved if an arrangement can be made which will enable a passenger to reach any point in Brooklyn for a single 5 cent fare from the New oYrk terminal that he can now reach from the Brooklyn terminal after paying the bridge fare of 26 or 3 cents, aB the case may be." Greece and the Powers. If the powers were to stand aside and allow Greece and Turkey to light for the possession of Crete, the tight would soon be carried to the main land, involving all the Eastern states. If the powers would then remain neutral, and if Greece would accept the service of the thousands of volunteers who are offering from the West, the war would end in the expulsion of the Moslem from the soil of Europe. That must come in time, but the indications are that it will come in a different way from what is here set forth as xjossible.

it restores one's faith in the ability of the little state thatcreated civilization to find how sturdily independent an attitude she keeps and with what dignified courtesy she declines all individual offers of help. It was said within the century that there were no more Greeks, that Hellas was history, that the blood of the men who defended Thermopylae and sank the fleet of the aggressor at Salami's and pounded the flying legions at Marathon had been transmitted to no worthy descendants, that "Greece was living Greece no more." But it is not so. Occasion has revived the old spirit. It flashed out for an hour in the Olympic games and now it blazes. The older gods are dead, but the temple to the tutelary divinity of Athens, rhe matchless Parthenon, has stood in its Turk created ruin above the roofs of the old city as a reminder of the nation's wrongs, a constant call to battle.

We may also admire the brute valor of the Turk. He, too, is a man of war. He has less to fight for than his neighbors, but an assault on what is represented to him as his religion or his right is sturdily resented. Half clad, half fed, unpaid, knowing himself to be the scorn of Europe, his army seeks the light and battles stoutly, none the less. And now is seen the strange anomaly of his defense by Christian powers that also threaten one of their own brotherhood unless its hands are withheld from the throat of the Moslem.

It is not sympathy that dictates this fiction, however, for that is all with Greece; it is policy. Government action and public sentiment are entirely at odds. While Salisbury is threatening Greece and Christian sailors arc shelling the insurgent camps behind Canea, the British people in mass meeting assembled denounces its premier and its fleet, and cries for the liberation of Crete from the misrule of the Turk. Meanwhile the Turk, encouraged, is resuming his outrages at home; more Armenians are killed, 52.500 in British gold, sent for their relief, are stolen and the agent of the charity, murdered. Anatolia is especially threatened, and another festival of horrors is promised.

Yet, the powers will close the ports of Greece against the farther exit of its troops to Crete; they will permit the Turk to send more batteries to that island; they will delay and harass the men who are fighting for liberty and enlightenment. Because in the event of war they, too, are likely to be drawn into the conflict and long smoldering hates will find murderous expression. Russia and England want control of the Black sea as one of the gates to India, France has not resigned her hope of revenge on Germany, weak Italy has secret fears of her old enemy, the Austrian; even the remoter states would have their hopes and fears of new boundaries, should the map be reconstructed. A nominal struggle between Greek and Turk might grow to a. war whose dimension would be greater than that of any prior one in history, and the losses in men and wealth and honor would be out of calculation or understanding.

That such a war can be fought is not likely; but every step toward danger is closely watched and strenuously hindered. Vindicating the Ways of Reform. The progress of the revolution in th method of lining appointive offices is indicated by the posting of placards in the state department announcing that but nine pla.ces are exempt from the rules of the civil service commission. It is said that the occupants of some of these will be retained because they are faithful men and that all but two of the other places have, been filled. There is but little consolation in this for tihe spoilsmen, while rhe civil service reformers are rejoicing.

It begins to look as if this was to be a civil service reform administration and as if the President and his cabinet were determined to devote themselves to something beside passing upon the relative merits of applicants for office. The state department placards have provoked comment this year, but the time will soon come when the flocking of hungry office seekers to Washington will be as surprising. The fact that, a pull is not enough to warrant appointment has not yet grown into the consciousness of the people, but it lias sprouted. The merit system is rapidly vindicating the ways of reform to the sons of men in a manner that is entirely satisfactory. Turkey wants to buy some of our warships and has 40,000 Turkish pounds that she is willing to pay as a first installment.

A few of the ships would lx happily off from our hands if we had to give them, and the money, too. for they have been nothing but a trouble and expense to the nation since they were built. Congress, however, would never sell a ship to shell Armenians. Mr. "Wash" Hesing, postmaster of Chicago, was suggested for mayor of that enterprising town.

Mr. Ilesing had shown his qualifications for the place. He has lived there long enough to prove that lie can endure the zephyrs and wear whiskers at the same time whiskers such as no other mayor in these United States owns tile like of; whiskers that cease just at the chin, and save him from Populistic doctrine; whiskers that could be used as broom: to sweep the puiicc and other corruptions out of the once partly moral city. Each party, however, named another man. Recently war lias been raging between the See Ytips anil the Sam Yups of San Francisco real war.

that resulted in several deaths and a wol'ul amount, of calling names. The Chinese minister reported to his government that, the See Yups were wrong, so that, two of I Item are under sentence of death, if they return to China, 'while all the available Entered at the Brooklyn. N. Post Office as second class matter.) This Paper has a Circulation Larger than that of any other Evening Paper in the United States. Its value as an Advertising Medium, is therefore apparent.

Branch Offices 1,248 Bedford Avenue, Near Fulton Street; 435 Fifth Avenue, Near Ninth Street 44 Broadway, Brooklyn, E. 154 Greenpoint Avenue, 2,511 "Atlantic Avenue, 801 Flat bush Avenue, 39 Borden Avenue, Long Island City; Jamaica and Bath Beach. Eagle Bureaus New York Bureau (Private wire to main office): Room 40, 72 74 Broadway; Paris Bureau: 26 Rue Cambon; Washington Bureau: 608 Fourteenth Street; Information Bureau: Room 29, Eagle Building. Member of the Associated Press and Amenta Newspaper Publishers' Association. Communications, unless accompanied with stamped envelopes, will not be returned.

Eagle sent by mail, postage included, 1 month, 6 months, 1 year, $8.00. Sunday Eagle, 1 year, $1.50. For advertising rates, etc. see opposite page. Jackson's Birthday.

This is Andrew Jackson's birthday. It Is not celebrated throughout the United States because the observance of January the eighth, the day on which the victory of the American troops over the British at New Orleans, in 1S15, occurred, displaces Jackson's birthday from consideration. Jackson's battle day rather than Jackson's birthday receives public celebration. Nevertheless to day, because Jackson's birthday, should be regarded as an important one to the United States. Jackson was a great, though incomplete character.

It is possible to tell all the truth about him now, but it was not easy 'or safe to do so for a long time, and the reasons were several. The difficulty of telling the entire truth was due to non possession of all the facts of his actions and to a want of general appreciation of the mixed motives of those actions. The danger of telling all the truth, even if it were known, was in the liability of assault from the worshipers of a partisan idol and of an indomitable patriot, and Jackson both. Patriot, indeed, he was. He loved his own country so well that he well nigh hated any other country in competition with it and thoroughly distrusted any man who didn't agree with him on that point.

His definition of men who disagreed with him made them enemies and if they were enemies to him they were enemies of his country, lacking in patriotism and other virtues. The old Puritans, who rnain tained that the earth was the Lord's, belonging to His people, and that they were the Lord's people, to whom, therefore, belonged the earth, were not more circumscribed or, within their limitations, more logical than Jackson on the prodigious lines of his propulsive antipathies. The country needed that sort of man when it had him and it not only had him, but he had it. He wanted the presidency several times before he got it. but it wanted him, when it did get him, and it gave to him the presidency by proxy, more than once, after he personally relinquished the office.

He was a fine old game cock who crowed before and after a fight, but who always had reason to crow both times. He was often called the inaugurator of the spoils system. He was. but some extenuating circumstances should be remembered. Permanency of tenure in appointive places was the rule till he came in, but the practice was the inheritance of an English habit and was not commended to mankind by any such attractive title as "civil service reform." the "merit system" or the like, or by any of the beautiful arguments which now commend that system.

The patronage was not enough in bulk to be very formidable, cither as a help or as an antagonist. Permanency was more due to thrift or to inertia than to moral intention, ethical politics or any enacted policy. This is not only historically true, but the truth of it is seen from the case with which he substituted the spoils system for permanent tenure. The public was surprised by his audacity. The political minority displayed one hundred degrees of shock of which about seventy five degrees were affectation.

But the political majority applauded the act and its majority long grew bigger because of it. Moreover, when the other party came in, it did not stop the spoils system or go back to the merit system. It simply employed the patronage as a method of reward and punishment to a degree that rivalled the action of Jackson himself. There was no civil service reform sentiment to speak of In the United States when Jackson did what he did. Then, too, nearly all the office holders whom Jackson turned out did their best or worst to keep Jackson from coming in.

He wwnted to come in and the people wanted him to come in, but the oltice holders did not want either him or the people to have their way. The people and Jackson, however, had their way. and the office holders then had their way out. The offense furnished should be I remembered when the deed done is recalled. A civil service paid by the taxes of both pariies and lighting as a unit for the success of one of them and for the defeat, of the other, takes active part in the war whu poli'Mcs is and those who take part in the war challenge the consequences of war." Our modern civil service reformers will not.

guard their system from overthrow, all rlio constitutional mandates and prohibitions in the universe to the contrary, notwithstanding, until they can politically neutralize the civil service in local, state or national political conventions. The people wlH consent, to a. permanent body of government workers who keep out of politics, but they wiii not maintain permanent body of such workers who take part in politics. If Jackson was not fully justified in what he did, those There are many men who wear overcoats, even in "Winter, as little as possible in Spring not at all. Think it a proof of health, of a good constitution: The way to have good health is to take care of it.

Overcoats for anybody, any taste, any purse. $12 to $20 serge lined; $20 to $30 silk lined. Rogers, Peet Co. Prince and Broadway. "Warren and Broadway.

Thirty second and Broadway. NEW YORK. HOTEL ST. GEORGE, Clark Street, Brooklyn Heights. American and Xmopemn plans.

AMUSEMENTS. THEATER SHORING CONCERTS ONE WEEK, COMMENCING MATINEE 2 P. M. TO DAY. i EJTG Two Shows in One.

FIELDS AND HANSON'S VAUDEVILLE AND THE French, Folly Burlesquers. POPULAR PRICES 25c, 50o Grand Carnival of SPORTS. Championship Game BASKET BALL, YALE VS. CENTRAL, Y. M.

C. A. Musical Mass, Class Callsthenic Drill, Bicycle Races, German Horse Vaulting, General Qymastic and Athletic Exhibition, at the CYCLE CLUB OF BROOKLYN, Hanson Place and Flatbush Av, TUESDAY EVENING, flARCH 16, At 8 o'clock. Admission 50 cents. Tickets for sale at the door.

MONTAUK THEATER This "Week, Matinees Wednesday and Saturday. The Popular American Actor, Mr. JOHN DREW, IN HIS GREATEST PERSONAL AND PROFESSIONAL TRIUMPH, ROSEHARY. "That's for Remembrance." Management Charles Frohman. Next "Week, Julia Marlowe and Robert Tabtr.

SUNDAYi First Popular Concert 7 Metropolitan Permanent EVENING, I Orchestra. MARCH 21. IADOLPH NEUENDORFF, Conductor. German Opera in Brooklyn. "Die Walkuere." DAMROSCH OPERA COMPANY.

Lilli Lehmann as "Brunliilde." Ernest kraus, Madame Gadski and other great artists in cast. ACADEMY OF MUSIC. TUESDAY EVENING, MAItCH 30. Explanatory Lecture On the Opera by Mr. DAMROSCH at PLYw MOUTH CHURCH, TUESDAY AFTERNOON.

MARCH 16, at THREE O'CLOCK. Opera tickets admit fcu Jecure. Onera and lecture tickets for sale at ISSUER 200 Fulton st. COLUMBIA. THIS WEEK.

MATS. WEI), and BAT. SARDOU'S NEW PLAY. SPIRITISMS, Direct from the Knickerbocker Theater, W. WITH THE ORIGINAL CAST and all the Original Scenery and Effects, NEXT WEEK, HENRY MILLER in the New Koniantic Drama, HEARTSEASE.

SALE OF BEATS OPENS TO MORROW. THEATER, THIS WEEK, MATS. WED. SAT A MUSICAL COMEDY, THE ISLE OF GOLD. By the author of "The Isle of ChnmoaKne." CHORUS OF 50.

INCREASED OHCHPJSTKA. NEXT SUNDAY MARCH 21. VAN IUENE STEINER CONCERT. NEXT MR. CRESTON CLARKE in "THE LAST WEEK OF HIS RACE." OPERA HOUSE.

TO NIGHT, MATS. WED. AND Reserved OrchestraKI ur.ij. jiiiiiiuo ana JSUUB51S CAN FIELD In KUYTS Ik TEMPEEMfCE TOW rT'S "A MIDNIGHT BELL." Next Woek HOY AMPHI0N THEATER.KSIs. Every Evening, Matineos Wednesday and Saturday.

Klaw Erlanaer's Complete Production of the N. Casiuo a Success, THE LADY SLAVEY. Next Week, THE BELLS OF 5HANDON BROOKLYN Ladies' Mats. Everv Sat. o.sri The cont.

Sun. concerts trom 2:80 P. M.until la P.M. Son venirNieht. which occasion a handsome souvenir will be presented to each lady from box office window on purchase of ticket Jennie YeamanB.Mathowa Harris Rice Bartlett May.sbW nan SUoehan, Seely West tlelds 4 Sallna, E.

Albion. MUSIC HAIL, Fulton st and Alabama av. TONIGHT ANDREW MACK in MATIN EH TO MORROW AND SAT. MYLES AROON. Ftn.conv chairs 2flc.

Orchestra chairs. COc. MADISON third SPORTSMEN'S SQUARE cvDncmnxi MARCH GARDEN EXPOSITION, 13 to 20. 10 A. M.

toll P. M. concerts af ter'n ev's. A dm. BOo.

EXCURSIONS. Cook's Tours to Europe. Arrangements suited to all. New routes, best accommodations. HlEh Class Select Parties, lpavinft March 27, My 8, Mav 51).

June 0, 12. 16, 2C. Also GRAND SUMMER CRUISE OP S. S. OHIO.

70 dars lor $476 up, leaf Iiik Juno 2G. Special "Programme of Lower Priced Vacation Tours to Europe. THOS. COOK it SON, 261 and 1.225 Broadway, New York. J.

LEHRENKBAUS SONS, 370 Fulton Brooklyn. THOS. H. HENDRICKSON'S TOURS. WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, MARCH IS.

A delichtfu! three days' trip. Meals cn route. First class hotels, all expenses, only J14.50. Circulars and tickets of THOS. H.

HENDRICK SON. the well known Tourist Agent, 339 Fulton st, Brooklyn. Circulars.) BIH Haads, Blanks mmamr nd every description of PRINTING at the BAGLHJ JOB PRIM TING DEPARTMENT. Eiuclo Building, Washington and Johnson Stt. Tak Urge pMicnsex eioTfctce A STAR Seth Low on Police Matters.

Why does Seth Low intervene in the police board quarrel In New York city? AVhy does he write to Mayor Strong substantially to tell him what he (Mr. Low) would do on the police board subject, were he (Mr. Low) mayor of New York? The publicity of the letter is as significant as anything in it. If that publicity signifies that Mr. Low Is suggestively placing himself among the public availabilities or choices at the ensuing municipal election for Greater New York, the Eagle is unaffectedly glad of the fact The publicity of this letter is not accounted for by the concurrence of Mayor Strong and Mr.

Low on what they thought should be the police chapter in the proposed charter. The legislature was entitled to their views on that. So was the public. Publicity then was necessary. The publicity of the letter of Saturday, however, was not necessary, but with the Implication which we have drawn from It is gratifying.

Frankly, we do not see on what grounds Mayor Strang could entertain charges against the police commissioners, unless against all of them, for the general had condition of the force. Aside from that, all that can be said of the board is that it is at disagreement among its members. Disagreement is not an offense. It Is a right. It is as much of a right as agreement would be.

Either agreement or disagreement might work public harm and is working disagreement is demoralization of the That demoralization might be cause for arraigning all the commissioners. The disagreement of two of them with the two others is no cause for arraignment, for one couple may be as bilarneable as the other and neither may be blameable at all. This view is strengthened by putting the probe into the facts. The board is at disagreement on 'bringing Condin to trial. For what? For saying that "the wrangles of the commissioners hurt the force and that he would take orders from them officially and collectively, but not individually or separately." Commissioner Grant has said that he would not bring Conlin to triaJ on this, because It was true and trial would establish the truth of it.

This is the way in which the matter has impressed observant and impartial Brook lynites, who see the facts afar off. Why Parker and Grant should hesitate to give to Conlin a chance to prove his words is not so strange as the desire of Roosevelt and Andrews to give to him such a chance. Boiled down, this is the gist of the whole matter. AH the talk about "insubordination," "superior officers" and the like is "clotted nonsense." What Conlin said was true. Conlin's attitude on it is unimpeachable.

Before Mr. Low rushes the question of trying somebody on charges, upon Mr. Strong's attention, he would do well to reflect. The matter does not justify charges. They can be "formulated," of course.

But so were charges formulated against the late District Attorney Fellows, to whom was given a bill of health, on matters in which he was right of such a broad character as to benefit him on matters on which he was wrong. Foresight is always better than hindsight, though not always so easy. Nevertheless, we are glad Mr. Low has manifested a public interest in public matters and we shall be glad if the hint carried by the publicity of his interest is acted on. You can ride from Cairo to the pyramids on a trolley car and can go along the Jordan from the Dead sea to the Lake of Galilee in a steamboat.

The Briton patronizes the Congo through his quizzing glass as he sips his Boss on the veranda of the Mtbwata consulate, and the Yankee expectorates tobacco juice on ihe floor of the Taj Mahal. No man returned from Europe dares to say anything about it in company, and the only excuse for speaking of a trip around the world is the fact of having done it in less than seventy days. Yet the millennium does not seem much nearer than it did last year. We are speeding faster with our wheels than with our minds, and the politicians are still waiting listlessly to be reformed. RECENT EVENTS.

Senator Piatt and other Republican leaders decided to pass the greater New York police bill and the Raines law amendments. Three prisoners escaped from Blackwell's island. Five employes of the Pennsylvania railroad company were discharged for sampling former President Cleveland's wine while in transit from Washington to Princeton. Magistrate Simms compelled eight youngsters who had been throwing stones in Rutgers sauare to stantt for an hour in Essex market police court with their faces turned toward the wall. A dispatch from "Canea states that the powers have decided to establish an autonomous government in Crete, but the fact is not generally known to the insurgent leaders.

CONTEMPORARY HUMOR, An adventurer from Normandle Salted o'er the sea, 'tis said: Ills blood Is now a noblo house. That Is, what wasn't shed. Detroit Journal. "Wagby says hard times make him feel like a boy again." "I can't see the connection." "Why, he experiences such Joy when ho gets a nickel to spend." 'Chicago Record. Bass It's queer, but If you'll notice it men generally have more to say about their past Tollies than abouit the wise things they have done." Mrs.

Bass "Isn't that because their follies give them a good deal more to talk about? Boston Transcript. "There, Charlie," said young Mrs. Torkins, "I got that pie especially tor you." "Why, I didn't ask for any." "No; but you hinted. You said pie was going to be painfully scarce during the McKiniley administration, and I thought wo might as well have some while It's cheap." Washington Star. EAGLE ALMANAC TRIBUTES.

Additional words of praise for the Eagle Almanac received in to day's mail are as follows: Corporation Counsel Joseph A. Burr I keep Upon my desk a few books for constant ref of bad faith as well as one of political foolishness. These men are opposed to any change in the existing law which has been so successfully used as a screen for Sunday drinking because they are afraid that a curtailment of the Sunday privileges and abuses would lose this end of the state to Republicanism. On the other hand, the country Republicans say that if the law is a screen for Sunday drinking throughout the state the rural districts will become Democratic. So we have the view that the cutting off of liquor privi leges here would turn Republicans Into Democrats and the neglect to abridge them in the country districts would have the same effect.

In other words, the power of free liquor here is Republican and the effect of free liquor in the country is Democratic. Thus our friends, the politicians, find themselves on the horns of a dilemma. Their predicament would be humorous if it were not an exhibition of the narrow uniotelligence of the men of their profession. The Democratic party has been injured and not helped by its supposed alliance with the saloons. Whether rightly or wrongly it has had to be on the defensive and to meet certain interests in the community with an apology.

That supposed alliance has made certain districts undemocratic because the hostility of many people to Hie selling of liquor is greater than their dislike for Republicanism. If what Is called the Raines law were twelve years older, and had been called the David B. HrU law, the (probability is that the state would have gone Democratic at times when the Republicans have carried.it and would continue Democratic for some time to come. If the Democrats had adopted a high license policy years ago they would have got both the moral and economic interests with them, and the success of the policy would have kept this support. Instead, however, they have allowed their opponents to regulate the liquor traffic.

Thomas C. Piatt had the eyes to see the of the leaders of the opposition and the power to force his party to action against the fears of the time servers and the reactionists, whose appreciation of the meaning of the Raines hill was impaired by lawless commerce with the liquor interests. He had seen dissatisfaction growing because of the continual tampering with the old excise laws, and he knew that the party which took radical action would be 'the ultimate gainer. Whatever else it may be called his determination that the Raines bill should become a law last year proved that he was a consummate politician on a big scale. His announced determination to correct the defects in the law in spite of opposition of the same kind as he met a year ago is still further proof of his superiority over the little leaders whom he goes through the form of consulting.

If the weaknesses which the past months have shown the law to contain are removed the Republican party will gain more votes in this end of the state than it will lose and in other parts of the suite it will win two new votes for every one that drops away, because of disaffection. A sensible and uniform and just liquor law will be an object lesson in the capability of the Republican party to administer the affairs of the state which will be of greater political advantage to that party than all possible benefit from a saloon alliance. A vote that, has to be bought with favors is fickle and troublesome and revengeful, while a vote that is attracted by an appeal to what men believe to be fair and upright is stable and can be depended on so long as a policy of righteousness seems to commend itself to a party. Extra. Session.

Both houses of the Fifty lifth congress convened in extraordinary session at noon to day. The unanimity of Mr. Reed's re election as speaker of the house is not due to the willingness of his party or to the absence of ambitious men. It is due to the fact, that such men could not command sufficient following to contest the speakership, because while they are of considerable size in public life they are small in comparison with Mr. Reed.

Mr. Cannon of Illinois would like to be speaker. Mr. Hopkins of the same state thinks he is a born leader of men. Mr.

Walker of Massachusetts is a very honest man and a man of ability, but he fears the absolutism of the rules. The truth is that Mr. Reed's election is that of the strongest man in the Republican party, as well as that of the brightest man in the house, and the house is perhaps the one remaining tribunal in which the strongest and brightest men are preferred. For the presidency both parties as a rule have set aside men of audacity and genius, and clung to those of caution. Influence in the senate is not proportionate to diameter or ability.

In the house it is different and if Mr. Keed has made himself the most conspicuous figure in it it is due to the fact, that he is a far abler and stronger man than any of his competitors. The selection of Mr. Bailey of Texas as minority leader is not without sig nificance. iteeo made nun chairman of the committee on rules, with the intention of continuing his leadership at the next, sessiion, and choice has been ratified by the minority.

While Mr. Bailey gave a formal support to the candidacy of Mr. Bryan he gave to it. a very relit eta irt support, and the speeches ho made were not of a kind to satisfy the national committee. His resentment toward some of the more radical planks of the Chicago platform was undisguised.

In no sense could it be said that ho was in accord with the revolutionary doctrines that Bryan preached, and it is because he reseated the platform that he is now New York 141,452 10,041 Kings 103,907 SO.SSu 3,313 Richmond 5,849 4.791 137 Towns. Loner Island City 3,317 3,700 403 Newtown 2.2C4 2. 1ST, 203 Flushinc 2.313 09 Jamaica 2,551 1,360 43 Hempstead (part) 1,386 702 2 Totals 208,795 236.390 15.076 Mr. Black's plurality in the Greater New York territory was 31,391, and his majority was 18,320, less than his lead.