The Brooklyn Daily Eagle from Brooklyn, New York • Page 6

THE BROOKLYN DAILY EAGLE. NEW YORK. TUESDAY. OCTOBER 2G, 1920. would throw the tweaker Into prison In this country.

Not unnaturally lie believed the political system of his be iermitteil to do wo Is extremely doubtful, so long as Venlzelos remain: I In power. Venlzelos has gained rather petroleum as all the' rest of the world coinbiiied. We cannot afford to be left heljiud in the search for new oil fields BUZZARD'S ROOST i rounded by luu Vn Aadra la 1841. rrradt Mark "Kaglt" Ui-flatered.) Col. Roosevelt Heard Here; Attacks Smith and League in favor of the Workmen's Compensation Law, which he had declared constitutional.

He spoke of Miller as a corporation attorney, who was far advanced in the matter of welfare work. As for the Governor's signature of the occupational diseases provision of the compensation law, Roosevelt said "Senator Knight drew that bill and I helped him." Talking of the League of Nations, he said: "Of the nine members five represent kingdoms and a sixth an Emperor. And that's enough of that. Then thu Assembly. Compared with Great Britain we are as one to six, and no amount of verbal fireworks can controvert the facts.

Great Britain is looking out for herself, and you can't exactly blame her for that. But I don't want to see our boys sent on a punitive expedition to Ireland." That was the only reference to the Emerald Isle, and there was no mention at the meeting of the tragic fate of Terence MacSwiney, Lord Mayor of Cork, lying dead in Brixton Prison, England. own country the better, and said that the opinion of today controls the Brit- ish Government, while ours is controlled by the opinions of men HO years ago. It Is perhaps too much to expect un understanding of the safeguards afforded by a written Constitution from men who have not lived under one, but it is odd that at time he should have failed to note the readiness with which we a mend that Constitution to suit the opinion of the day. But aa an evidence of a desire to find the best among us and to judge us by that best the speech was Interesting.

WHY WALKER OUGHT TO WIN. Hurry C. Walker, present Lieutenant Governor of this Stale, is the Democratic candidate for the United States Senate. His opponent Is James Wol-cott Wadswortb, a Republican. anti-League, anti-Suffrage, a distinct re.

actionary. In no Senatorial election in any State this year is the League issue more sharply drawn. Mr. Wulker should have the votes of all regular Democrats and of all Republican men and women who want to see the Na tion join the League and ratify the Treaty of Versailles. Much of this latter support is coming to him.

Women eseclally are drifting fast away from WatrSworth. And their feeling is expressed by Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, who says she would be aguinst the Senator even if be had been consistently a backer of votes for women, because he is against the League of Nations. The Eagle is not inclined to bo un. just to Mr.

Wadswortb. He has not been and is not a dynamic character or a constructive statesman. But he lifts shown courage and consistency in following his conscientious convictions when and where those convictions were diametrically opposed to the convictions of the American people and of the people of New York State. That is a reason for respecting Wadswortb, perhaps, but It is not a reason for hav ing the misrepresentation of his constituents go on for another term. It is said for Wadsworth that he is a college man, which Walker Is not; that he is a social figure, which Walker is not, and that his father and l.ls grandfather were soldiers anil statesmen.

But many, perhaps most of our voters, regard efficient self-education as best, and some even believe that social hamperings rather lower the standard of statesmanship In the Senate. As for family, the Wadsworths of Geneseo ean hardly claim precedence over the Walkers of Blnghamton, except in the advantage that mere wealth gives. Harry C. Walker was twelve yeais old when his uncle, Gilbert Carlton Walker, died. That uncle, born in Blngham ton.

became the thirty-third Governor of Virginia and was perhaps fairly called "the political savior" of the Old Dominion in reconstruction times. Later he was twice elected to Congress from the Richmond district. We are satisfied that Mr. W'alker, the nephew, will honor the State In his service if he is elected. But the strongest reason for electing him is that he stands squarely against the policy of national isolation and is in full touch with the world sentiment of harmony among all the nations of the earth.

AN OUTRAGEOUS CARTOON. Colonel George Harvey was for many years an active Democrat. Indeed, his Democracy was inherited, as his name, George B. McClellnn Harvey, testifies. But in all his years of service to the party of his birth he has seldom done It a better turn than now when he is attacking it and has incited a subscription of to its treasury by a cartoon in his weekly, which most good Catholics will consider sac rilegious.

The cartoon was a travesty of the Immaculate Conception, the League of Nations being represented as the Conception and Cox being shown as trying to hang this picture for the inspection of the American people. Even if there were no religious sensibilities involved in thus trifling with a sacred theme; the execrable taste of the performance is unthinkable In a man who has occupied the position in public affairs held by Colonel Harvey. How it came to be done is beyond conjecture. In the heat of passion or in reckless bravado a man may utter a phrase about an opponent as shocking as this cartoon and repent of it as soon as ho hears the sound of his words, but the publication of a cartoon is a slow process, offering time for reflection at every step of the way to the press. That none of these opportunities for second thought was availed of in this case Is an indication of callous indifference to the feelings of the devout.

But bad as the case is there are indications that Colonel Harvey did not commit the offense without consultation or approval. The cartoon was signed by Reld, who also draws for the National Republican, a party organ, and who is said to be in the employ of tha Republican National Committee. Who concocted the scandalous idea is not likely to be known; certainly no man will boast of it. But the evidence of a deliberate affront to millions of Christians for the sake of a campaign Joke Is too plain to be denied or excused. WHO IS TO RULE NEW GREECE? King Alexander's death has created an interesting problem which promises to occupy the uttentioti of several European Powers besides Greece herself.

Young Alexander seems to have been a fine tyiie of man, with characteristics that made him popular with large part of the Greek people, mid his death Is a tragic affair which will lie most discussed In political terms. As Is well known, Alexander's father, Constantino, has for some time aspired to return to his throne. That he will in the Far East, iii the Near East, in the Caribbean country. Our business men are alive to conditions, our geologists are busy everywhere, but every other great nation is giving to Its scien tists and investors more official ti It than we arc giving. Viewed in the light of these facts, the Northeastern Siberia deal has at least considerable significance.

MR. HEARST AND THE GOVERNORSHIP. Not the least interesting development in the State campaign is William R. Hearst's order to his newspapers to oppose Judge Miller and support Dudley Field Malone for the Governorship. Mr.

Malone has no chance of election and no one knows thut better than Mr. Hearst. Therefore, the order to oppose Miller and support Malone is coupled with the statement: "I don't care whether Smith is elected or not. He is better than Miller." The Hearst newspapers in this city have not supported Malone. They have Indirectly supported Miller by vehemently abusing Governor Smith, who has been cartooned und denounced as a friend of the now defunct saloon, of the so-called faction trust and of other interests which serve as special targets for the Hearst journals.

What has moved Mr. Hearst in the last week of the campaign to say that he doesn't care whether Smith is elected or not? If the Governor is so unfit for his high office as the American ami Journal have insisted he Is the proprietor of those papers reveals the possession of uncommonly flexible convictions when he now admits that Smith Is preferuble to Miller. Mr. Hearst may change bis opinion of the Governor, but we doubt if the Governor has changed his opin ion of Mr. Hearst.

THE RIGHT TO USE PUBLICITY. Not to increase its number of sub scrlbers, for it has close to a hundred thousand unfilled applications, but to explain to the public its embarrass ments and its financial needs, the New- York Telephone Company Is alleged to have spent $450,000 last year for pub licity. Why not? The course taken Is attacked by an Assistant Corporation Counsel. He says the object was to "influence the Public Service Commission, and public sentl ment." He adds that "before any other tribunal they would be declared in contempt of court." Which may be most tersely and correctly described as demagogy gone mad. Publicity is a modern sort of invest ment.

Manufacturers and sellers of goods pay hundreds of millions of dollars for it every year. More and more great public service interests and great commercial combinations have come to realize its value to them. They spend big money for space to make their ar gunieut in their own way. The mere fact that they do so is evidence that the news columns and editorial col umns of newspupers are not to be "reached." and are often inclined to be too unfriendly to these interests because of the known prejudices of readers. Advertising space well used may well affect public sentiment.

It virtually offers to the great corporation its only way of putting its own case before the people. It is open, fair, above board. The right to argue cannot well be denied do representatives, of large numbers of investors who think they have a case, whether they have or not. F. ROOSEVELT'S LIBEL SUIT.

What, protection has a candidate who is assailed in the last week of a campaign with infamous charges? That is the question raised by the attack upon Franklin D. Roosevelt by John R. Rathom of the Providence Journal. Mr. Roosevelt has started' an action for libel against Rathom and has appealed to United States District Attorney Caffey to bring a prosecution for criminal libel on the same ground.

The cases cannot, of course, be tried before election and thus the suit fails to meet the real purpose of the attack, which was to hurt Mr. Roosevelt and the Democratic ticket at the polls next Tuesday. The political purpose of the attack is too plain for question. Rathom sent to Mr. Roosevelt on Saturday night a letter making charges against his conduct us Secretary of the Navy, his integrity as a man and charging him with protecting certain men convicted of gross crimes and confined at the naval prison at Portsmouth, of which Thomas Mott Osborne was warden.

It was the sort of letter for which a man in private life would be properly knocked down or kicked. Yet. although this document was delivered to Mr. Roosevelt on Suturday night by messenger, he found copies of it printed in newspapers on Sunday morning. He charges the publicity office of the Republican National Committee wilh complicity in the distribution of the document and says that it was received in at least one newspaper office In an envelope carrying the address of that committee.

Whether or not the complicity of the Republican Committee in the distribu tion of the document can be proved, the political character and purpose of the attock is clear. Mr, Roosevelt's prompt action and the warning by his attorney of libel suits against papers which print the letter may prevent the dam age which the charges were intended to do. but that Is very inadequate protection at best. To a man whose high character was less widely known than Mr. Roosevelt's the fact that such charges had been made without any knowledge of the evidence, might do an Injury which even a verdict in court ngufnst the author of them would not cure, Whatever the effect may be, a campaign which resorts to charges of this character and to the scandalous 1 than lost In prestige since the end of i the war, anil his work it Purls has re- suited In the creation of a new Greece, with a large increase lu territory and corresponding importance in the Near East.

That the Allies would permit Con-stantiue to return nnd rule over the new Greece Is not to be seriously considered. Venlzelos Is believed to favor Prince Paul, Coiistantine's third son, as Alexander's successor. Talk of Prince Arthur of Coiinaught will recall the historical fact that a British prince was asked to lake the throne before the choice finally fell upon a Dane. European princes are not so anxious as they once were for thrones, and that of Greece is not at this time especially inviting. From the American point of view the death of Alexander offers a test of the democratic idea as opposed to the monarchical system.

That Greece wants a constitutional monarchy has been established by the Greeks themselves. Venlzelos favors the system and expects to have his more recent policies vindicated at the election soon to be held. So long as the Greeks want a king they should be permitted to have one. He is only a figurehead with a man like Venlzelos in power, and Venlzelos may be trusted to carry out the will of the people in selecting Alexander's successor. This is really a democratic procedure, although it involves the continuation of the king business in a country old enough to know better.

CHURCH ADVICE ON JAPANESE ISSUE. The Commission on Relations with the Orient of the Council of Churches performs a public service In taking up Intelligently and temperately the issue of Japanese immigration to the United States, an issue that is sharply presented by the referendum on which California citizens are to vote next week. A popular vote will determine whether or not California is to deny to Japanese within her borders the right to bold land, the right to lease land. Later, perhaps, the Federal courts may have something to say. The Commission virtually pleads, as Frank A.

Vanderllp pleaded, for Calm ness a'nd reason in what is done. The Japanese are said to number 80,000 in California. They figure their own num bers at 57,000. They protest against the proposed legislation as reducing them to a state of economic slavery. They insist that the amount of land actually in their control is very small.

They deny an excessive birth rate. Yet the commission does not regard the ap prehension of California as wholly basess. If Japan hits a population of persons, and rapidly increasing, on islands with a total acreage less than California's and only 17 percent arable. if intensive cultivation carried to the ultimate is not sufficient to make the land feed the people, it is unreasonable to blame Tokio statesmen for seeking an outlet. But whether the United States should offer an outlet is a question.

It Is not the question in California this year, which deals only with rights of Japanese now in America. Mr. Vanderllp expressed one thought which is emphasized by the Church Council Commission. In dealing with Japan and her people, courtesy, dignity, kindliness are more important than concessions. Every word or action based on the assumption of race inferiority is resented.

Exclusion from America by the gentlemen's agreement was not resented. Californians will do well to bear this thought in mind when they vote on that referendum on November 2. A YANKEE DEAL WITH SOVIET RUSSIA. It is not hyperbole to say that the whole world will wait with keenest interest for the details of the sensational sixty-year lease of a part of Northeastern Siberia, square nillcs, by the Soviet Government in Moscow to a syndicate of California capitalists headed by Harry Chandler, publisher of the Los Angeles Times. This Yankee deal with the Bolsheviki is tersely ami somewhat vaguely announced in a cabled message from Engineer Washington D.

Vanderllp, who has reache London on his way home. The explicit statement-is made that all of the Kamchatka Peninsula is included, with the section east of the one hundred and sixtieth meridian. This means that from Bering Strait at the north to the southernmost point of the peninsula the whole country lying opposite to our own Alaska i. involved, along with a considerable stretch on the Arctic Ocean. Now it is a fair assumption that the Moscow Government knows and cares as little about Ibis part of Siberia as King Charles I knew or cared about North America when he gave Connecticut a charter reaching to the Pacific Ocean.

Also, the Leuine crowd have no more control over Kamchatka than Charles had over the Western Reserve of Ohio. But grants of a de facto government must he recognized by any succeeding government, and the Unitetl States, if It chooses, is strong enough to maintain the property rights of its citizens abroad. Therein lies the real interest of the enterprise. Washington Vanderllp believes that Iron and coal are plenty in the miles he bus been dickering for. But he also believes that vast sources of petroleum are to be found there, and this, to adopt a colloquial expression, is "the milk in the cocoa-nut." The United States has more iietro.

lcitni still than any olher country, more wells (lowing. But these wells are not flowing so fast as they did, and new ones are not so productive. In the meantime it Is said that we are using more I ban twice as much of kerosene, gasoline and the other products of tVEaDAX EVUX.1NO. OCTOBER M. M20.

Cnterrd at tbe Brooklyn PoatnfBce aa Second (laaa Ull Matter. THIS ASSOCIATED FUESS NEWS hKRVH'E. Ttw AfliKM-iatrd Prem i axrlualvtlr rctitlad to Uia um tor republication of all or di.oatrhoa trniltrd to It or not ottierwlo? crMltnt In thla paper, and alao tn local new of apoatanaoua rliio publlabed herein, all rlfhta of repnbllca-tion of nijcrlal dlapatcbca bcrelA are aluo re-eerwsl. Tbia paper bat a circulation Larger tban that of any oilier Evening- Taper of lu CIbbm In tho I'nlted state. Ita value aa us Advertlalng Medium la Appnrent.

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MEETING DELIBERATE FALSEHOOD. Following his plain declaration that he "would willingly accept a reserve tiou stating explicitly that the United States assumes no obligation to use Its military or naval forces to defeud or assist any other member of the League unless approved and authorized by Con gress in each case," Governor Cox pledges himself to consult with the Senate regarding every point involved In the League dispute. This should be a sufficient answer to those who insist that the election of tliie Governor would mean a renewal of the twee 1 1 the Executive and the Senate on the question of reservations. There could be no deadlock with a President willing to (leal directly with the Senate majority unless the members of that majority should themselves decree the restoration of the deadlock for partisan ends. When the Democratic candidate says that he would accept a reservation to Article asserting that for which the Constitution already plainly provides, he is merely putting into more definite form the pledge given In his address at Tulsa, Oklahoma, on October 1, when he said: "We will accept any reservation that helps to clarify.

We will accept any reservation that helps to reassure." The idea that the United States can be plunged Into a foreign war, without a specific declaration by the war-making power of the Nation, has been sedulously fostered by Republican politicians In spite of its obvious falsity. Their purpose is to con. fuse and obscure and they have succeeded so far as to convince a grent many people that our participation in war as a member of the League would become a function automatically en tered upon under orders from the League Council. It would not have been necessary for Governor Cox to say what he did in his Madison Square Garden speech concerning reservations to Article and it would not have been necessary for him to say what he did yesterday con. cerning his readiness to consult with the Senae, if the Republican campaign had been conducted with a decent regard for the truth.

There was a time when a number of the eminent Repub. licans now supporting Mr. Harding insisted that with the United States a member of the League the Constitution would necessarily remain supreme in every vital respect, that the war. making power would not be Impaired to the slightest degree. But that was before the call of party became too strong for these eminent gentlemen to resist.

They have since discovered that they love the League idea not less, but the Republican party more, anj therefore they suddenly discern dangers in the Covenant to which they were curiously blind for many months. Their attitude has helped to strengthen the widely prevalent delusion that the League Covenant would nullify the fundamental law of the land. Governor Cox does well once mor'1 to state his own position clearly and with emphasis. He may not he able to overcome falsehood, but at least he cannot be charged with letting false-hood go unchallenged. AMERICA THROUGH ENGLISH EYES.

Americans are no longer sensitive to the things which English visitors may say of us mi their return, being convinced of a disposition overseas to think well of us and having learned that the misapprehension of haste will lie counterbalanced by the judgment of men and women of longer experience. Some of the observations of Sir John Foster Fraser. in a recent talk on his return to London, may well serve for guidance here as well as for the enlightenment of his couutrymtm. He put at the forefront of his observation I he superior physique of the average American to that of Englishmen the same sort, and added that It might prove an important element In the commercial competition between the two countries, as England would not -hold its own "unless the physique of the general population here becomes better." That difference is the fruit of "the American standard of living" which we heiir so much about from the champions of high wages. The living standard lias been greatly advanced In both countries by the war, but tlmt change Is too recent to affect the physique of adult workers.

Furthermore Sir John said that we are In a state of flux, land of paradox and contradictions, Instancing the exlsfence side by sldo of high standards of culture nnd of rampant crime. He ndded that there was much more freedom of speech In England, and that the speeches made Jn Hyde Park Harvey cartoon must be thought by some of its conductors to be in desperate straits. Joseph Murphy, third of the hunger strike vvletims, is dead in tho Cork jail. That he was a native of Lynn, Massachusetts, lends Interest to his career. If he had stayed here bo might havt been running, like Mr.

Debs, for Presideut. "Housing is not an issue of this campaign," says Nathan L. Miller, Republican candidate for Governor. In other words, the thing that is first in the average mind is last to be considered. Such an attitude is not by any means calculated to win votes.

Governor Parker of Louisiana issues a proclamation asking all cottongin owners to stop work for thirty days in order to swell the price of cotton and encourage the hoarders. Parker wis once a follower of Roosevelt, the foe of trusts and combinations. He is now a Democrat a Louisiana Democrat. The City of Washington rejects the milk of one hundred and eighty-two New York farmers because cows haven't been subjected to the tuber culin test. Apparently, boasts of our protection, so far as milk supply is cerned, get precious little credence in the National Capital.

MONDAY RECITALS If such singers as John Quine, bari tone, were to be heard every day, the life of a music critic would he alto gether happy. Of that there is no possible, probable shadow of doubt. Mr. Quine made his debut here last spring, but in the months intervening between then and his recital in Aeolian Hall yesterday afternoon his voice has taken on a bigness, riehnesa and fulness that place him today in the front rank of our concert artists. Mr.

Quine always sings with assur ance and wltn understanding. Not the least proof thereof was visualized yesterday; he used no words with which to forestall a faltering memory. Nor should such, for that mutter, be a necessity with any singer. We have often wondered why recital singers could never memorize the texts of their songs, especially in view of the fact that all interpretation must he-gin with complete knowledge of the poem sung. Mr.

Quine's voice, wWle not of great intrinsic worth, is always agreeable and always well produced. In addition and this Is the vital thing he sings with intelligence, with thorough command of the resources of style. Old Italian and English songs began the day's program. In them there was flexibility and the joy that cometh of an equulized scale and nice adjustmeent of crescendo and di minuendo. Four BraTims songs, to English translations, followed.

These four, de nominated "Serious Songs" and re ligious in nature, lend themselves to English arrangements much better than many another example. So we listened to such versions as did not transgress the musical authority with which the composer invested his texts. And Mr. Quine sang them with full appreciation of their content. There was an English group and one of French songs that followed.

Mr. Bos played enviable accompaniments. In the evening, also in Aeolian Hall, a young pianist, Cecil Cowles, tried her hands on a New York audience. But when anybody has so little a conception of the tempi of the Mozart Sonata in A Major as she disclosed, we do not believe her playing calls for any serious comment. The Marcla alia Turea was nothing less than a rout.

Miss Cowlos is as extravaeant ln expression as a Hoboken politician, w. M. Assemblyman Theodore Roosevelt, son of the late Colonel, who has been stumping the country in behalf of the Republican ticket, made his initial appearance of the campaign in Brooklyn last night and scored a hit. Young Roosevelt was a speaker at the huge mass meeting at Arcadia Hall in behalf of Judge Miller, Republican gubernatorial candidate. He was addressing the crowd when Miller arrived and was urged to continue when he slowed up.

Only his promise that he would resume when Judge Miller had been heard satis-fled the crowd. The Assemblyman rapped the Governor on his welfare measures and said that both himself and Senator Lockwood knew that the Republican Legislature was responsible for many of the things the Governor claimed credit for. As for Judge Miller, he said that, the gubernatorial candidate had it all over the Governor on the welfare proposition and instanced his decision as a Court of Appeals judge SEES NO JEOPARDY FOR U. S. Calling upon America to enter the League of Nations, Raymond B.

Fos-dick, formerly under-secretary to the League, told the members of the Congregational Club at a dinner of the organization held last night at the Brooklyn Chamber of Commerce, 32 Court "that wars will be stopped by the League." Mr. Fosdick, who resigned as undersecretary because America did not enter the League of Nations, carefully analyzed the Covenant. He pointed out where the nations would be greatly benefited through the Covenant. After stating that there was no danger of this country jeopardizing its safety, by joining the other nations of the world in the League Mr. Fosdick asserted that "England would never for one second have put under control her army and navy if she knew her safety was interfered with by the League.

"We could accept the Covenant without jeopardizing our safety," said Mr. Fosdick. "Unless the world finds some means soon of ending war, war is likely to end the world," declared Mr. Fosdick. "Physicists tell us that CO years from now it will be possible, by the employment of atomic forces at present but little understood, for a man to sit at his desk and press a button which would cause the destruction of the lives of thousands.

We must ask ourselves whether the world without a league would be fit for the exercise of such power." Recalling his own experiences In France during the World War, he appealed strongly that this Nation should take its place beside the 42 powers already in the League. "Arti cle he said, I not regard as the heart of the Covenant. That arti cle is simply an expression of civilized sentiment which would put international robbery outside the pale of legitimate international practice. It a reservation attached to this article would make us more comfortable, let's attach it." A large number of new members were Introduced to the club by the Rev. George Reld Andrews, chairman of the membership committee.

The officers of the club are the Rev. Ernest M. Halllday, president; Charles S. Hart-well, vice president; William C. Mc-Kee, secretary; A.

L. Chatterton, treasurer. THE VOICES. We are the dead that lie in Flanders' Field, Behold the star that rises from Our grave! We gave our lives humanity to save That there might be no war. Though mute our voices, eloquent Are we.

Our very Bllenco spenks above The roar Of temporal things. Wo pray You koep the faith Unsullied, without stain, Else have we died In vain. ANNIE J. GILBERT. Brooklyn, Oct 25, 1920.

NEW BOOKS RECEIVED "English Ways and By-Ways," by Leighton Parks. (Charles Scribner's Sons.) A humorous record of the impressions of two young and unconventional Americans of the English before the war. "The Pied Piper," by Clifton Johnson. (The Macaulay Company.) Bedtime wonder tales for boys and girls from 4 to 12. "The Rose Dawn," by Stewart Edward White.

(Doubleday Page This is the concluding volume of Stewart Edward White's trilogy of California, the sequel to "Gold" and "The Gray Dawn." "Guiding Principles for American Voters," by Augustus Lynch Mason. (The Bobbs-Merrill Company.) A handbook of Americanism that fills a timely need, "Cherry Isle," by juvelyne Close. (George W. Jacobs Co.) The story of a girl with a wonderful voice whose ambition is stronger than her voice. I So Young; and Dead.

I From peak unto peak the Sierra Ne-vadas Re-echo a pitiful moan; And requiems are said for a spirit that's fled; For Lefthand the Indian is gone. A victim of Nicotine's imminent perils, Pipe ashes had set him afire; His age, we may state, was but one-thirty-eight Not ripe for the heavenly choir. Let other young fellows take this as a warning, Oh leave the tobacco alone; Quit smoking ln time, or cut off In your prime His fate may be, "sometime, youi own. All Lefthand's brave hopes for on' hundred-and-fifty As sturdy as any old oak To ghostland are sped; like himself, they are dead; Gone up, as we might say, ln smok. J.

A. ORDER GINGERALE.